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File Size: 1152 KB
Print Length: 320 pages
Publisher: W. W. Norton & Company (April 17, 2007)
Publication Date: April 17, 2007
Sold by: Amazon Digital Services LLC
Language: English
ASIN: B000U0O9FC
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_The Shia Revival_ by Vali Nasr is a well-written and timely analysis of the history and nature of the greatest division within the Muslim world, that of the 1,400 year old split between Sunnis and Shiites, a division existing from practically the beginning of the faith, each sect viewing itself as the "original orthodoxy." Though stressing that the Shias (like the Sunnis) are hardly monolithic, varying in degrees of piety and because of different cultural and economic backgrounds, Nasr listed a number of key characteristics of Shias worldwide. Though Shias are a minority of the world's 1.3 billion Muslims (comprising 130 to 195 million people or about 10 to 15% of the total Muslims in the world), they are as nearly numerous as the Sunnis in the Islamic heartland from Lebanon to Pakistan and around the Persian Gulf comprise 80% of the population. The Shia-Sunni split dates back to the succession crises after the death of the Prophet Muhammad. Sunnis came to accept the notion that successor caliphs to the Prophet (perhaps individuals chosen by the community) need not possess exceptional spiritual qualities but merely be exemplary Muslims who could direct the religious and political affairs of the community and still later accepted future rulers so long as they maintained order, protected Islam, and left religious matters to the ulama (religious scholars). What became the Shiites disagreed with this, feeling that the true leaders of the community should not be "ordinary mortals" but should instead be Muhammad's family - popularly known as the ahl al-Bayt or people of the household - as the blood of the Prophet ran in their veins along with the spiritual qualities invested in him by God. Similarly, Sunnis and Shiites differed widely on matters of religious interpretation. Sunnis came to believe that all believers are capable of understanding religious truth in a way and to a degree that makes special intermediaries between God and man unneeded, while Shiites came to feel that there were outer and inner, hidden truths in religion, and that without the right leadership the true meaning and intent of Islam will be lost. Shiites believed that there is hidden and esoteric knowledge, inaccessible to the average believer without help. The Shiites placed a great deal of emphasis on the history of the early rightful successors to the Prophet and on Shia saints and consequently also have a great love for visual imagery depicting these individuals and their struggles (most of which ended in martyrdom). This love of imagery grates on Sunni sensibilities, who often view it as "possible inducements to, if not outright expressions of, idol worship." Related to this is the great Shia festival of mourning, remembrance, and atonement known as Ashoura, a religious festival and drama akin in many ways to Christian festivals such as Good Friday "Way of the Cross" processions. As Nasr put it, while Sunnism "is about the law and the "thou shalts" and "thou shalt nots" of Islam, Shiism is about rituals, passion, and drama." Sunnism and Shiism differ not so much because of divergent practices but because of the spirit of their interpretation of Islam. Shias, much like Christians, have a strong millenarian streak as well. They believe that the line of imams (descendents of Ali, son-in-law of Muhammad, first rightful successor to him) continued through the tenth century, when the Twelfth Imam, Muhammad al-Mahdi (the Guided One) was taken by God into a miraculous state of occultation in 939. His return will be the "end of time and the advent of perfect divine justice." This messianic framework of belief (along with the martyrdom of the imams and of Shia saints) have been key influences on Shiites and resonate in events today, such as Shiite views of the Iranian revolution, the disappearance in Lebanon in 1978 of the popular leader Imam Musa al-Sadr (some felt he had been miraculously occulted), and in the actions of Muqtada al-Sadr in Iraq (who named his militia the Mahdi Army, implying that his cause was that of the Twelfth Imam). The key reality of the Middle East today is the Sunni-Shia conflict. The most important outcome of the war in Iraq, its "central legacy," has been that Iraq has become the first Arab-majority country to be ruled by a democratically-elected Shia majority, tipping the scales against the long Sunni domination of the Middle East. Though the Shia revival began with the Iranian revolution and Hezbollah gains in Lebanon against Israel, today it is about "protecting and entrenching" Shia gains in Iraq. Shia success there will lead to greater ties among Shias throughout the Middle East, Pakistan, and Afghanistan and increased Shia demands for a greater political role everywhere. This Shia revival rests on three pillars; the newly empowered Shia majority in Iraq, the rise of Iran as a major regional power, and the empowerment of Shia populations in Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Pakistan, Bahrain, and Afghanistan. This revival will result in a huge Sunni backlash - as shown by the actions of such Sunni organizations as the Taliban and al-Qaeda - and if anything will strengthen anti-Americanism in the region, as the revival comes at a time of rising Sunni extremism. Anti-Shia feelings and actions by the extremists will hurt the U.S., as anti-Shia feelings will solidify Sunni public opinion and expand the influence of groups such as al-Qaeda. Nasr does see hope though as well. Shiites will be much more likely to work with the U.S., as both the U.S. and the Shiites share a common enemy (Sunni extremists) and greater democracy in the region (a stated U.S. goal) will add Shiite empowerment throughout the region. The U.S. has already been of great aid to the Shiites, removing Saddam Hussein and empowering the Shia majority in Iraq (efforts at de-Ba'thification in Iraq have really been de-Sunnification efforts) and taking down the "Sunni wall" around Iran, as for a time Iran was constrained by Sunni-dominated Iraq to the west and a Pakistan-Taliban-Saudi axis to the east.
Vali Nasr's book “The Shia Revival: How Conflicts within Islam Will Shape the Future" is an excellent introduction into the history of the Middle East conflicts. The biggest drawback to purchasing this book is that it was clearly written in 2005 and published in 2006 so it is grossly out of date. I highly recommend the book but want you to understand the caveats.While I enjoyed the book tremendously and learned a great deal there is room for both praise and criticism.I was looking for a book that would explain the divides within the Muslim world from a historical perspective and this book clearly meets that objective. The book spends a great deal of time covering the Islamic world from the death of The Prophet in the 7th century until the 12th century and uses examples of historic events that are echoed by current and past players (Hussein, Khomeini, Sistani, Assad) in this region. It barely covers anything between that time and 9/11. That's not a drawback because it's really since 9/11 that Americans have been so focused (but dangerously misinformed) on events in the Muslim world.This is not a book about the Middle East. Israel figures only marginally in this book. This is a book about Muslim politics and the two major Islamic faiths- Sunniism and Shiism.Several other reviewers said that the book is nonpartisan but I disagree with that. The author is Iranian born a Shiite Muslim. The book is written from the viewpoint of of Shiite and takes aim directly at the Sunnis. Throughout the book Sunnis are cast as the extremists where Shias are cast in the role of historical underdogs and mediators. That's not to say Shias don't get some of the blame from Nasr for the Middle East tragedies but the division of fault is unbalanced and his criticism of Shias comes finally in the last two pages.Nasr identifies the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the beginning of the rise of the Shias. Nasr does an excellent job of painting the good and the evil of the Ayatollah Khomeini and his central role in the Iranian Revolution. Anyone wanting to understand more about the character of Khomeini will find it in this book. While we find deep character analysis of Ayatollah Khomeini the analysis of Iraq’s Ayatollah Sistani, also Shia, is less intense and paints Sistani as a great moderate.After reading the book one comes away with a clear understanding of how the war in Iraq has plunged the Middle East into the chaos that we see today. The author clearly identifies the US led invasion of Iraq as a dramatic escalation in Middle East conflict and a force in more widespread Shia power.The greatest fault with the book is that nowhere does the author analyze the roles and motives of those who brought the war to Iraq. The author dances around the sensitivity of the subject because at the time the book was written George W Bush was still the President and the author had a rooted interest in seeing the American role in Iraq continue. Remember while the Iraq invasion removed Saddam Hussein, a Sunni, from power it shifted the power almost entirely to the Iraqi Shia majority. The book implies that the Bush administration may have been unaware of what impact this shift would have on future world events. (The index links to 2 mentions of Bush 43 in the whole book)Nasr's most recent book "The Dispensable Nation†is highly critical of the Obama administration and how, in the author's opinion, Obama has deserted Iraq and therefore the Shias."The Shia Revival" examines the role of Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Assad regime in Syria, Islamism in Pakistan and the influence of the Royal Saudi family but pays scant attention to the events and tragedy of 9/11, Afghanistan and the Taliban. Nasr suggests that the anti-American part of this conflict is a diversion from the real issue- hatred between Sunni and Shia factions of Islam. Nasr further points out that extreme sects within the Sunni faith re using American hatred as a recruiting weapon when their real target is the Shia.Nowhere does the author discuss the close ties between the first and second Bush presidencies and the Saudi royal family. Only when I read the New York Times review of the author's follow-up book did I understand clearly how the author wanted to avoid criticizing the Bush government but certainly spares no criticism of the following administration.A possible reason could be because the author views Bush as the liberator of the Shias in Iraq and the subsequent withdrawal of American troops by Obama as having a tragic impact on Shias. This partisan viewpoint recasts “Rise of the Shia†in a much more unfavorable light.Ahmed Chalabi, an Iraqi born Shia and President of Iraq for 30 days gets only scant mention in the book. His purported influence, using false information, on VP Dick Cheney is not discussed at all. To me, another red flag that only part of the story is being revealed.Nasr is an Iranian born American, distinguished scholar and is clearly passionate and knowledgeable about the history of the Middle East but he comes at his analysis from a distinctly partisan Shia point of view.I highly recommend reading this book but to think one understands the Middle East after reading this book alone would be a mistake. It is one viewpoint but an essential one. If you are new to Muslim politics or simply want to start understanding the history behind the Muslim turmoil this is an excellent book to buy.My journey into understanding the Middle East continues but I will now seek an alternative narrative for my next book.
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